A People's History of the United States, Present. By Howard They brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they. Fourth impression British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data. Zinn, Howard. A people's history of the United States. 1. United States-History. I. Title. A people's history of the United States - Howard Zinn. A people's history of the A People's History of the Unite - Howard gaulecvebota.ml, MB.
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1* c w A PEOPLE'S HISTORY o i' t ii e UNITED STATES i □ i n r r =- p e k r m-h i • 1 □□ class □ rs HOWARD ZINN gaulecvebota.ml A People's History of the . “It's a wonderful, splendid book—a book that should be read by every American, student or otherwise, who wants to understand his country, its true history, and. A People's History of the United States - Download as Word Doc .doc /.docx), PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online. Wikipedia review of Howard Zinn's A .
Zinn writes that President James Polk agitated for war for the purpose of imperialism. Zinn argues that the war was unpopular, but that newspapers of that era misrepresented the popular sentiment. Chapter 9, "Slavery Without Submission, Emancipation Without Freedom" addresses slave rebellions, theabolition movement, the Civil War, and the effect of these events on African-Americans.
Zinn writes that the large-scale violence of the war was used to end slavery instead of the small-scale violence of the rebellions because the latter may have expanded beyond anti-slavery, resulting in a movement against the capitalist system. He writes that the war could limit the freedom granted to AfricanAmericans by allowing the government control over how that freedom was gained.
Chapter 10, "The Other Civil War", covers the Anti-Rent movement, the Dorr Rebellion, the Flour Riot of , the Molly Maguires, the rise of labor unions, the Lowell girlsmovement, and other class struggles centered around the various depressions of the 19th century. He describes the abuse of government power by corporations and the efforts by workers to resist those abuses.
Here is an excerpt  on the subject of the Great Railroad Strike of Chapter 11, "Robber Barons and Rebels" covers the rise of industrial corporations such as the railroads and banks and their transformation into the nation's dominant institutions, with corruption resulting in both industry and government. The Teller Amendment.
Zinn portrays the wars as being racist and imperialist and opposed by large segments of the American people. Chapter 13, "The Socialist Challenge", covers the rise of socialism and anarchism as popular political ideologies in the United States. Du Bois, and the Progressive Party which Zinn portrays as driven by fear of radicalism. Chapter 14, "War is the Health of the State" covers World War I and the anti-war movement that happened during it, which was met with the heavily enforced Espionage Act of Zinn argues that the United States entered the war in order to expand its foreign markets and economic influence.
Zinn states that, despite popular belief, the s were not a time of prosperity, and the problems of the Depression were simply the chronic problems of the poor extended to the rest of the society. Also covered is the Communist Party's attempts to help the poor during the Depression.
Chapter 16, "A People's War? Zinn, a veteran of the war himself, notes that "it was the most popular war the US ever  fought," but states that this support may have been manufactured through the institutions of American society. He cites various instances of opposition to fighting in some cases greater than those during World War I as proof.
Zinn also argues against the US' true intention was not fighting against systematic racism such as the Jim Crow laws leading to opposition to the war from African-Americans. Another argument made by Zinn is that the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were not necessary, as the U.
The chapter continues into the Cold War. Here, Zinn writes that the U. Zinn believes this was possible because both conservatives and liberals willingly worked together in the name of anti-Communism. Chapter 17, "'Or Does It Explode? Zinn argues that the government began making reforms against discrimination although without making fundamental changes for the sake of changing its international image, but often did not enforce the laws that it passed.
Zinn also argues that while nonviolent tactics may have been required for Southern civil rights activists, militant actions such as those proposed by Malcolm X were needed to solve the problems of black ghettos. Zinn argues that America was fighting a war that it could not win, as the Vietnamese people were in favor of the government of Ho Chi Minh and opposed the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem, thus allowing them to keep morale high.
Meanwhile, the American military's morale for the war was very low, as many soldiers were put off by the atrocities that they were made to take part in, such as the My Lai massacre. Zinn also tries to dispel the popular belief that opposition to the war was mainly amongst college students and middleclass intellectuals, using statistics from the era to show higher opposition from the working class.
Zinn argues that the troops themselves also opposed the war, citing desertions and refusals to go to war, as well as movements such as Vietnam Veterans Against the War. Chapter 20, "The Seventies: Under Control? Zinn argues that the resignation of Richard Nixon and the exposure of crimes committed by the CIA and FBI during the decade were done by the government in order to regain support for the government from the American people without making fundamental changes to the system; according to Zinn, Gerald Ford's presidency continued the same basic policies of theNixon administration.
Bush administrations and their effects on both the American people and foreign countries. Zinn argues that the Democratic and Republican parties keep the government essentially the same that is, they handled the government in a way that was favorable for corporations rather than for the people and continued to have a militant foreign policy no matter which party was in power.
Zinn uses similarities between the three administrations' methods as proof of this. Chapter 22, "The Unreported Resistance", covers several movements that happened during the CarterReagan-Bush years that were ignored by much of the mainstream media. Chapter 23, "The Coming Revolt of the Guards", covers Zinn's theory on a possible future radical movement against the inequality in America.
Zinn argues that there will eventually be a movement made up not only of previous groups that were involved in radical change such as labor organizers, black radicals, Native Americans, feminists , but also members of the middle class who are starting to become discontented with the state of the nation.
Zinn expects this movement to use "demonstrations, marches, civil disobedience; strikes and boycotts and general strikes; direct action to redistribute wealth,  to reconstruct institutions, to revamp relationships.
Zinn argues that, despite Clinton's claims that he would bring changes to the country, his presidency kept many things the same as in Reagan-Bush era.
Zinn argues that attacks on the U. Bush , but by grievances with U. Critical reception When A People's History of the United States was published in , future Columbia University historian Eric Foner reviewed it in The New York Times: Professor Zinn writes with an enthusiasm rarely encountered in the leaden prose of academic history, and his text is studded with telling quotations from labor leaders, war resisters and fugitive slaves.
There are vivid descriptions of events that are usually ignored, such as the Great Railroad Strike of and the brutal suppression of the Philippine independence movement at the turn of this century. Professor Zinn's chapter on Vietnambringing to life once again the free-fire zones, secret bombings, massacres and cover-upsshould be required reading for a new generation of students now facing conscription.
Blacks, Indians, women, and laborers appear either as rebels or as victims. Less dramatic but more typical lives people struggling to survive with dignity in difficult circumstances receive little attention. A People's History reflects a deeply pessimistic vision of the American experience. Foner called for "an integrated account incorporating Thomas Jefferson and his slaves, Andrew  Jackson and the Indians, Woodrow Wilson and the Wobblies.
It may be unfair to expose to critical scrutiny a work patched together from secondary sources, many used uncritically Jennings, Williams , others ravaged for material torn out of context Young, Pike.
Any careful reader will perceive that Zinn is a stranger to evidence bearing upon the people about whom he purports to write.
But only critics who know the sources will recognize the complex array of devices that pervert his pages On the other hand, the book conveniently omits whatever does not fit its overriding thesis It would be a mistake, however, to regard Zinn as merely Anti-American. Brendan Behan once observed that whoever hated America hated mankind, and hatred of mankind is the dominant tone of Zinn's book He lavishes indiscriminate condemnation upon all the works of man that is, upon civilization, a word he usually encloses in quotation marks.
It is a synthesis of the radical and revisionist historiography of the past decade. Not only does the book read like a scissors and paste-pot job, but even less attractive, so much attention to historians, historiography and historical polemic leaves precious little space for the substance of history.
We do deserve a people's history; but not a simpleminded history, too often of fools, knaves and Robin Hoods. We need a judicious people's history because the people are entitled to have their history whole; not just those parts that will anger or embarrass them.
A Note and Disclaimer are below. Return to History Is A Weapon. The Bipartisan Consensus. The Clinton Presidency and the Crisis of Democracy. The Election and the "War on Terrorism". The Note: This great book should really be read by everyone. It is difficult to describe why it so great because it both teaches and inspires. You really just have to read it.
We think it is so good that it demands to be as accessible as possible. Once you've finished it, we're sure you'll agree.
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You should go and get it and ones for your friends and family. At this point, A People's History Of The United States is available in regular form, read aloud on audio, on posters, in a teaching edition, and as just the twentieth century chapters we have all but the posters. And now here.