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Yule's book is concise enough as not to lose the reader in a mire of impossible jargon, but thorough enough to give readers a firm, well-rounded, and true. Explaining English Grammar e-book | Professional Development | Oxford University Press . In this book, George Yule focuses on the grammar topics that give rise to these why-questions. His explanations Our discounted price list ( PDF). Explaining English Grammar book. Read 7 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. A guide to explaining grammar for teachers of English as. .
This sound is produced by the tongue tip tapping the alveolar ridge briefly. Nor do writer and rider, metal and medal. They all have flaps. The student who was told about the importance of Plato in class and wrote it in his notes as play- dough was clearly a victim of a misinterpreted flap. This rather lengthy list of the phonetic features of English consonant sounds is not presented as a challenge to your ability to memorize a lot of terminology and symbols.
It is presented as an illustration of how a thorough description of the physical aspects of speech production will allow us to characterize the sounds of spoken English, inde- pendently of the vagaries of spelling found in written English.
There are, however, some sounds that we have not yet investigated. These are the types of sounds known as vowels and diphthongs. Vowels While the consonant sounds are mostly articulated via closure or obstruction in the vocal tract, vowel sounds are produced with a relatively free flow of air.
They are all typically voiced. To describe vowel sounds, we consider the way in which the tongue influences the shape through which the airflow must pass. For the first two, your mouth will stay fairly closed, but for the last two, your tongue will move lower and cause your mouth to open wider. The sounds of relaxation and pleasure typically contain lower vowels.
The terminology for describing vowel sounds in English e. Following the chart is a list of the major vowels with examples of familiar words illustrating some of the variation in spelling that is possible for each sound.
The movement in this diphthong is from low towards high front. While the vowels [e], [a] and [o] are used as single sounds in other languages, and in some other varieties of English, they are only typically used as the first sounds of diphthongs in American English. The accompanying diagram provides a rough idea of how diphthongs are produced and is followed by a list of the sounds, with examples to illustrate some of the variation in the spelling of these sounds.
Also, some of the sound distinc- tions shown here may not even be used regularly in your own speech. In fact, in casual speech, we all use schwa more than any other single sound. There are many other variations in the actual physical articulation of the sounds we have considered here. The more we focus on the subtle differences in the actual articulation of each sound, the more likely we are to find ourselves describing the pronunciation of small groups or even individual speakers.
Such subtle differences enable us to identify individual voices and recognize people we know as soon as they speak. We are clearly able to disregard all the subtle individual variation in the phonetic detail of voices and recognize each underlying sound type as part of a word with a particular meaning.
To make sense of how we do that, we need to look at the more general sound patterns, or the phonology, of a language. The sounds of language 37 Study questions 1 What is the difference between acoustic phonetics and articulatory phonetics? Keeping this in mind, try to provide a basic phonetic representation of the following words.
Some words will be in more than one list. So we say that [k] is a voiceless velar fricative. Write similar definitions for the initial sounds in the normal pronunciation of the following words. Among the types of consonants already described affricates, fricatives, glides, liquids, nasals, stops , which are obstruents, which are sonorants, and why?
E i How would you make a retroflex sound? F What is forensic phonetics? In front of a mirror or enlist a cooperative friend to be the speaker , say the following pairs of words. What clues are you using to help you make your decision? II English has a number of expressions such as chit-chat and flip-flop which never seem to occur in the reverse order i.
Perhaps you can add examples to the following list of similar expressions. Further reading Basic treatments Ladefoged, P. Roach, J. Hartman and J. Live inne contri nire foresta. No mugheggia. Uanna dei pappa, mamma, e beibi go bice, orie e furghetta locche di dorra. Bai ene bai commese Goldilocchese. Sci garra natingha tu du batte meiche troble. Sci puscia olle fudde daon di maute; no live cromma.
Den sci gos appesterrese enne slipse in olle beddse. Bob Belviso, quoted in Espy In the preceding chapter, we investigated the physical production of speech sounds in terms of the articulatory mechanisms of the human vocal tract. That investigation was possible because of some rather amazing facts about the nature of language.
Yet those two physically different individuals would inevitably have physically different vocal tracts, in terms of size and shape. In a sense, every individual has a physically different vocal tract. Consequently, in purely physical terms, every individual will pronounce sounds differently. There are, then, potentially millions of physically different ways of saying the simple word me.
Obvious differences occur when that individual is shouting, is suffering from a bad cold or is asking for a sixth martini. Given this vast range of potential differences in the actual physical production of a speech sound, how do we manage consistently to recognize all those versions of me as the form [mi], and not [ni] or [si] or [ma] or [mo] or something else entirely? The answer to that question is provided to a large extent by the study of phonology. Phonology Phonology is essentially the description of the systems and patterns of speech sounds in a language.
It is, in effect, based on a theory of what every speaker of a language unconsciously knows about the sound patterns of that language. Because of this theoretical status, phonology is concerned with the abstract or mental aspect of the sounds in language rather than with the actual physical articulation of speech sounds. See the end of the chapter for a translation. Phonology is about the underlying design, the blueprint of each sound type, which serves as the constant basis of all the variations in different physical articulations of that sound type in different contexts.
In actual speech, these [t] sounds are all very different. However, all these articulation differences in [t] sounds are less important to us than the distinction between the [t] sounds in general and the [k] sounds, or the [f] sounds, or the [b] sounds, because there are meaningful consequences related to the use of one rather than the others. These sounds must be distinct meaningful sounds, regardless of which individual vocal tract is being used to pronounce them, because they are what make the words tar, car, far and bar meaningfully distinct.
Considered from this point of view, we can see that phonology is concerned with the abstract set of sounds in a language that allows us to distinguish meaning in the actual physical sounds we say and hear. Phonemes Each one of these meaning-distinguishing sounds in a language is described as a phoneme. When we learn to use alphabetic writing, we are actually using the concept of the phoneme as the single stable sound type which is represented by a single written symbol.
An essential property of a phoneme is that it functions contrastively. This contrastive property is the basic operational test for determining the phonemes that exist in a language. If we substitute one sound for another in a word and there is a change of meaning, then the two sounds represent different phonemes.
The basic phonemes of English are listed with the consonant, vowel and diphthong diagrams in Chapter 3. Because these two sounds share some features i. The prediction would be that sounds which have features in common would behave phonologically in some similar ways. A sound which does not share those features would be expected to behave differently. If so, then we will be on our way to producing a phonological account of permissible sound sequences in the language.
We can describe those different versions as phones. Phones are phonetic units and appear in square brackets. For example, the [t] sound in the word tar is normally pronounced with a stronger puff of air than is present in the [t] sound in the word star.
If you put the back of your hand in front of your mouth as you say tar, then star, you should be able to feel some physical evidence of aspiration the puff of air accompanying the [t] sound at the beginning of tar but not in star.
In the last chapter, we noted that the [t] sound between vowels in a word like writer often becomes a flap, which we can represent as [D]. The crucial distinction between phonemes and allophones is that substituting one phoneme for another will result in a word with a different meaning as well as a different pronunciation , but substituting allophones only results in a different and perhaps unusual pronunciation of the same word.
In the second word, the effect of the nasal consonant [n] makes the [i] sound nasalized. It is possible, of course, for two languages to have the same pair of phonetic seg- ments, but to treat them differently. In English, the effect of nasalization on a vowel is treated as allophonic variation because the nasalized version is not meaningfully contrastive.
Clearly, in these cases, the distinction is phonemic. Minimal pairs and sets Phonemic distinctions in a language can be tested via pairs and sets of words. When two words such as pat and bat are identical in form except for a contrast in one phoneme, occurring in the same position, the two words are described as a minimal pair. More accurately, they would be classified as a minimal pair in the phonology of English. Other examples of English minimal pairs are fan—van, bet—bat, site—side.
Such pairs have traditionally been used in the teaching and testing of English as a second or foreign language to help students develop the ability to understand the contrast in meaning based on the minimal sound contrast. When a group of words can be differentiated, each one from the others, by changing one phoneme always in the same position in the word , then we have a minimal set. The sound patterns of language 45 For example, one minimal set based on the vowel phonemes of English could include feat, fit, fat, fate, fought, foot, and another minimal set based on consonant phonemes could have big, pig, rig, fig, dig, wig.
Phonotactics This type of exercise involving minimal sets also allows us to see that there are definite patterns in the types of sound combinations permitted in a language. In English, the minimal set we have just listed does not include forms such as lig or vig. According to the dictionary, these are not English words, but they could be viewed as possible English words. That is, our phonological knowledge of the pattern of sounds in English words would allow us to treat these forms as acceptable if, at some future time, they came into use.
They might, for example, begin as invented abbreviations I think Bubba is one very ignorant guy. They have been formed without obeying some constraints on the sequence or position of English phonemes. Such constraints are called the phono- tactics i. Because these constraints operate on a unit that is larger than the single segment or phoneme, we have to move on to a consideration of the basic structure of that larger phonological unit called the syllable.
Syllables A syllable must contain a vowel or vowel-like sound, including diphthongs. The most common type of syllable in language also has a consonant C before the vowel V and is typically represented as CV. Technically, the basic elements of the syllable are the onset one or more consonants followed by the rhyme.
The rhyme sometimes syllable onset rhyme nucleus coda consonant s vowel consonant s Figure 4. Syllables like me, to or no have an onset and a nucleus, but no coda. They are known as open syllables. When a coda is present, as in the syllables up, cup, at or hat, they are called closed syllables. Consonant clusters Both the onset and the coda can consist of more than one consonant, also known as a consonant cluster. There are many CC onset combinations permitted in English phonotactics, as in black, bread, trick, twin, flat and throw.
English can actually have larger onset clusters, as in the words stress and splat, consisting of three initial consonants CCC. The phonotactics of these larger onset consonant clusters is not too difficult to describe. You can check if this description is adequate for the combinations in splash, spring, strong, scream and square. Does the description also cover the second syllable in the pronunciation of exclaim?
Remember that it is the onset of the syllable that is being described, not the beginning of the word. It is quite unusual for languages to have consonant clusters of this type. Indeed, the syllable structure of many languages e. Japanese is predominantly CV. It is also noticeable in English that large consonant clusters may be reduced in casual conversa- tional speech, particularly if they occur in the middle of a word. This is just one example of a process that is usually discussed in terms of coarticulation effects.
Coarticulation effects In much of the preceding discussion, we have been describing speech sounds in syllables and words as if they are always pronounced carefully and deliberately, almost in slow motion. Mostly our talk is fast and spontaneous, and it requires our articulators to move from one sound to the next without stopping.
The process of making one sound almost at the same time as the next sound is called coarticulation. There are two well-known coarticulation effects, described as assimilation and elision. Vowels are also subject to assimilation. It is so regular, in fact, that a phonological rule can be stated in the following way: In many words spoken carefully, the vowel receives stress, but in the course of ordinary everyday talk, that vowel may no longer receive any stress and naturally reduce to schwa.
Elision In the last example, illustrating the normal pronunciation of you and me, the [d] sound of the word and was not included in the transcription. This process of not pro- nouncing a sound segment that might be present in the deliberately careful pronunci- ation of a word in isolation is described as elision. In fact, consistently avoiding the regular patterns of assimilation and elision used in a lan- guage would result in extremely artificial-sounding talk.
The point of investigating these phonological processes is not to arrive at a set of rules about how a language should be pronounced, but to try to come to an understanding of the regularities and patterns which underlie the actual use of sounds in language.
The sound patterns of language 49 Study questions 1 What is the difference between a phoneme and an allophone? B In the phonology of Hawaiian there are only open syllables. Also, based on this slender evidence, which two English consonants are probably not phonemes in Hawaiian?
C The word central has a consonant cluster -ntr- in the middle and two syllables. D Individual sounds are described as segments. What are suprasegmentals? E The English words lesson and little are typically pronounced with syllabic consonants. F A general distinction can be made among languages depending on their basic rhythm, whether they have syllable-timing or stress-timing.
How are these two types of rhythm distinguished and which type characterizes the pronunciation of English, French and Spanish? How would you describe the special phonological processes involved in the pronunciation of the negative versions of the following words? II The use of plural -s in English has three different, but very regular, phonological alternatives. For background reading, see chapter 2 pages 55—56 of Jeffries, Bob Belviso translated One attempt to interpret those very unusual spellings might be as follows: Once upon a time was three bears; mama bear, papa bear, and baby bear.
Live in the country near the forest. No mortgage. One day papa, mama, and baby go beach, only they forget to lock the door. By and by comes Goldilocks. She got nothing to do but make trouble. She push all the food down the mouth; no leave a crumb.
Then she goes upstairs and sleeps in all the beds. Further reading Basic treatments Davenport, M. Hewlett Coarticulation: By the mid eighteenth century Dutch words flooded into American English: Murray Spangler invented a device which he called an electric suction sweeper.
This device eventually became very popular and could have been known as a spangler. People could have been spanglering their floors or they might even have spanglered their rugs and curtains. The use could have extended to a type of person who droned on and on and really sucked , described as spanglerish, or to a whole style of behavior called spanglerism.
However, none of that happened. Word formation 53 Instead, Mr. Spangler sold his new invention to a local businessman called William H. The point of this small tale is that, although we had never heard of Mr. Spangler before, we really had no difficulty coping with the new words: That is, we can very quickly understand a new word in our language a neologism and accept the use of different forms of that new word. This ability must derive in part from the fact that there is a lot of regularity in the word-formation processes in a language.
In this chapter, we will explore some of the basic processes by which new words are created. When we look closely at the etymol- ogies of less technical words, we soon discover that there are many different ways in which new words can enter the language.
We should keep in mind that these processes have been at work in the language for some time and a lot of words in daily use today were, at one time, considered barbaric misuses of the language. Yet many new words can cause similar outcries as they come into use today. Rather than act as if the language is being debased, we might prefer to view the constant evolution of new words and new uses of old words as a reassuring sign of vitality and creativeness in the way a language is shaped by the needs of its users.
Coinage One of the least common processes of word formation in English is coinage, that is, the invention of totally new terms. The most typical sources are invented trade names for commercial products that become general terms usually without capital letters for any version of that product.
It may be that there is an obscure technical origin e. The most salient contemporary example of coinage is the word google. New words based on the name of a person or a place are called eponyms. When we talked about a hoover or even a spangler , we were using an eponym. Other common eponyms are sandwich from the eighteenth-century Earl of Sandwich who first insisted on having his bread and meat together while gambling and jeans from the Italian city of Genoa where the type of cloth was first made.
Some eponyms are technical terms, based on the names of those who first discovered or invented things, such as fahrenheit from the German, Gabriel Fahrenheit , volt from the Italian, Alessandro Volta and watt from the Scottish inventor, James Watt.
Borrowing As Bill Bryson observed in the quotation presented earlier, one of the most common sources of new words in English is the process simply labeled borrowing, that is, the taking over of words from other languages.
Throughout its history, the English language has adopted a vast number of words from other languages, including croissant French , dope Dutch , lilac Persian , piano Italian , pretzel German , sofa Arabic , tattoo Tahitian , tycoon Japanese , yogurt Turkish and zebra Bantu. In some cases, the borrowed words may be used with quite different meanings, as in the contemporary German use of the English words partner and look in the phrase im Partnerlook to describe two people who are together and are wearing similar clothing.
There is no equivalent use of this expression in English. The English expression moment of truth is believed to be a calque from the Spanish phrase el momento de la verdad, though not restricted to the original use as the final thrust of the sword to end a bullfight. Compounding In some of the examples we have just considered, there is a joining of two separate words to produce a single form.
Thus, Lehn and Wort are combined to produce Lehnwort in German. This combining process, technically known as compounding, is very common in languages such as German and English, but much less common in languages such as French and Spanish. Common English compounds are bookcase, doorknob, fingerprint, sunburn, textbook, wallpaper, wastebasket and waterbed. All these examples are nouns, but we can also create compound adjectives good-looking, low-paid and compounds of adjective fast plus noun food as in a fast-food restau- rant or a full-time job.
Blending The combination of two separate forms to produce a single new term is also present in the process called blending. However, blending is typically accomplished by taking only the beginning of one word and joining it to the end of the other word.
There is also the word fax, but that is not a blend. Clipping The element of reduction that is noticeable in blending is even more apparent in the process described as clipping. This occurs when a word of more than one syllable facsimile is reduced to a shorter form fax , usually beginning in casual speech. The term gasoline is still used, but most people talk about gas, using the clipped form. Other common examples are ad advertisement , bra brassiere , cab cabriolet , condo condominium , fan fanatic , flu influenza , perm permanent wave , phone, plane and pub public house.
There must be something about educational environments that encourages clipping because so many words get reduced, as in chem, exam, gym, lab, math, phys-ed, poly- sci, prof and typo.
A particular type of reduction, favored in Australian and British English, produces forms technically known as hypocorisms. In this process, a longer word is reduced to a single syllable, then -y or -ie is added to the end. You can probably guess what Chrissy pressies are. Backformation A very specialized type of reduction process is known as backformation.
A good example of backformation is the process whereby the noun television first came into use and then the verb televise was created from it. Other examples of words created by this process are: One very regular source of backformed verbs in English is based on the common pattern worker — work. The assumption seems to have been that if there is a noun ending in -er or something close in sound , then we can create a verb for what that noun -er does. Hence, an editor will edit, a sculptor will sculpt and burglars, peddlers and swindlers will burgle, peddle and swindle.
Conversion A change in the function of a word, as for example when a noun comes to be used as a verb without any reduction , is generally known as conversion. We bottled the home-brew last night; Have you buttered the toast? The conversion process is particularly productive in Modern English, with new uses occurring frequently. The conversion can involve verbs becoming nouns, with guess, must and spy as the sources of a guess, a must and a spy.
Phrasal verbs to print out, to take over also become nouns a printout, a takeover. Verbs see through, stand up also become adjectives, as in see-through material or a stand-up comedian. Or adjectives, as in a dirty floor, an empty room, some crazy ideas and those nasty people, can become the verbs to dirty and to empty, or the nouns a crazy and the nasty. Some compound nouns have assumed adjectival or verbal functions, exemplified by the ball park appearing in a ball-park figure or asking someone to ball-park an estimate of the cost.
Other nouns of this type are carpool, mastermind, microwave and quarter- back, which are all regularly used as verbs. The verb to doctor often has a negative sense, not normally associated with the source noun a doctor.
A similar kind of reanalysis of meaning is taking place with respect to the noun total and the verb run around, which do not have negative meanings.
Acronyms Acronyms are new words formed from the initial letters of a set of other words. Some new acronyms come into general use so quickly that many speakers do not think of their component meanings. Derivation In our list so far, we have not dealt with what is by far the most common word- formation process to be found in the production of new English words. Some familiar examples are the elements un-, mis-, pre-, -ful, -less, -ish, -ism and -ness which appear in words like unhappy, misrepresent, prejudge, joyful, careless, boyish, terrorism and sadness.
Word formation 59 Prefixes and suffixes Looking more closely at the preceding group of words, we can see that some affixes have to be added to the beginning of the word e. These are called prefixes. Other affixes have to be added to the end of the word e. All English words formed by this derivational process have either prefixes or suffixes, or both. Thus, mislead has a prefix, disrespectful has both a prefix and a suffix, and foolishness has two suffixes.
Infixes There is a third type of affix, not normally used in English, but found in some other languages. This is called an infix and, as the term suggests, it is an affix that is incorporated inside another word. It is possible to see the general principle at work in certain expressions, occasionally used in fortuitous or aggravating circumstances by emotionally aroused English speakers: The expletive may even have an infixed element, as in godtripledammit!.
However, a much better set of examples can be provided from Kamhmu, a language spoken in South East Asia. Multiple processes Although we have concentrated on each of these word-formation processes in isola- tion, it is possible to trace the operation of more than one process at work in the creation of a particular word. For example, the term deli seems to have become a common American English expression via a process of first borrowing delicatessen from German and then clipping that borrowed form.
If someone says that problems with the project have snowballed, the final word can be analyzed as an example of compounding in which snow and ball were combined to form the noun snowball, which was then turned into a verb through conversion. Forms that begin as acronyms can also go through other processes, as in the use of lase as a verb, the result of backformation from laser.
The formation of this new word, however, was helped by a quite different process, known simply as analogy, whereby new words are formed to be similar in some way to existing words. Yuppie was made possible as a new word by analogy with the earlier word hippie and another short-lived analogy yippie.
One joke has it that yippies just grew up to be yuppies. And the process continues. Many of these new words can, of course, have a very brief life-span. It would seem that Noah had a keener sense than his critics of which new word-forms in the language were going to last. Word formation 61 Study questions 1 What is the difference between etymology and entomology? How would you describe the other s? Can you identify the processes involved in each case?
Were there any examples in this chapter?
How many examples were included in this chapter? Are any of them eponyms? Using a dictionary if necessary, try to describe the word-formation processes involved in the creation of the underlined words in these sentences. E Another type of affix is called a circumfix. Here are some examples from Indonesian. F When Hmong speakers from Laos and Vietnam settled in the USA, they had to create some new words for the different objects and experiences they encountered.
Using the following translations provided by Bruce Downing and Judy Fuller , can you work out the English equivalents of the Hmong expressions listed below? Using the examples below, and any others that you want to include in the discussion, try to decide if there are any typical patterns in the way we form compounds.
From these examples, and any others that you think might be relevant to the discussion, can you work out what the rule s might be for making new adjectives with the suffix -able?
Further reading Basic treatments Denning, K. Kessler and W. Stockwell English Words: Spencer and A. Zwicky eds. Naish, C. Rensch and G. The mental conversion of flesh and blood living creatures into cartoon characters possessing bourgeois Judeo Christian attitudes and morals. Unfortunately, there are a number of problems with using this observation as the basis of an attempt to describe language in general, and individual linguistic forms in particular.
For example, in Swahili spoken throughout East Africa , the form nitakupenda conveys what, in English, would have to be represented as something like I will love you.
Now, is the Swahili form a single word? We can recognize that English word forms such as talks, talker, talked and talking must consist of one element talk, and a number of other elements such as -s, -er, -ed and -ing. All these elements are described as morphemes. In the sentence The police reopened the investigation, the word reopened consists of three morphemes.
The word tourists also contains three morphemes. Free and bound morphemes From these examples, we can make a broad distinction between two types of mor- phemes.
There are free morphemes, that is, morphemes that can stand by themselves as single words, for example, open and tour. There are also bound morphemes, which are those forms that cannot normally stand alone and are typically attached to another form, exemplified as re-, -ist, -ed, -s.
These forms were described in Chapter 5 as affixes. So, we can say that all affixes prefixes and suffixes in English are bound morphemes. The free morphemes can generally be identified as the set of separate English word forms such as basic nouns, adjectives, verbs, etc. When they are used with bound morphemes attached, the basic word forms are technically known as stems. For example: There are a number of English words in which the element treated as the stem is not, in fact, a free morpheme.
In words such as receive, reduce and repeat, we can identify the bound morpheme re- at the beginning, but the elements -ceive, -duce and -peat are not separate word forms and hence cannot be free mor- phemes. Lexical and functional morphemes What we have described as free morphemes fall into two categories. These free morphemes are called lexical morphemes and some examples are: Morphology 69 Other types of free morphemes are called functional morphemes.
Examples are and, but, when, because, on, near, above, in, the, that, it, them. This set consists largely of the functional words in the language such as conjunctions, prepositions, articles and pronouns. Derivational and inflectional morphemes The set of affixes that make up the category of bound morphemes can also be divided into two types. One type is described in Chapter 5 in terms of the derivation of words.
These are the derivational morphemes. We use these bound morphemes to make new words or to make words of a different grammatical category from the stem. For example, the addition of the derivational morpheme -ness changes the adjective good to the noun goodness. The noun care can become the adjectives careful or careless by the addition of the derivational morphemes -ful or -less.
A list of derivational morphemes will include suffixes such as the -ish in foolish, -ly in quickly, and the -ment in payment. The list will also include prefixes such as re-, pre-, ex-, mis-, co-, un- and many more. The second set of bound morphemes contains what are called inflectional mor- phemes. These are not used to produce new words in the language, but rather to indicate aspects of the grammatical function of a word.
Inflectional morphemes are used to show if a word is plural or singular, if it is past tense or not, and if it is a comparative or possessive form.
One likes to have fun and is always laughing. The other liked to read as a child and has always taken things seriously. One is the loudest person in the house and the other is quieter than a mouse. There are four inflections attached to verbs: There are two inflections attached to adjectives: In English, all the inflectional morphemes are suffixes. Morphological description The difference between derivational and inflectional morphemes is worth emphasiz- ing.
An inflectional morpheme never changes the grammatical category of a word. For example, both old and older are adjectives. The -er inflection here from Old English -ra simply creates a different version of the adjective. However, a derivational mor- pheme can change the grammatical category of a word.
Can be used as a set book or supplementary book on a teacher training course, or by both new and experienced practising teachers as a self-study text. It was helpful, but usually gave me a headache before it did any good. Ben Warren Prize Nominee 0. The author draws on gramjar experience as both a leading applied linguist and a hands-on classroom teacher of English Choice of topics and explaiing of explanations focus on the needs of language teachers Separates each grammar topic covered into three clear categories: It is a good introduction to confusing grammar points for teachers, but most of the suggested classroom applications were things I was already doing.
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A fresh approach to explaining grammar, written specifically for language teachers. Detailed explanations are supported by exercises and practical teaching. This course is an introduction to the terminology and concepts in English grammatical description. Pointed them to Learner English by Michael Swan, available in pdf. Yule George. Page of extra exercises for every page of grammar explanation in Practice Grammar.
Grammar, by George Yule. Teachers Course, 2nd Edition. Suggested resources.